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• 「東アジア性犯罪法比較白書」を発行　一般販売のお知らせ　◆一般社団法人 Spring

  

  2026.01.16 Fri

  Springでは2025年の8月、刑法性犯罪規定の改正から2年が経ちましたことを記念して【東アジアの性犯罪法の現在地と日本のこれから 〜韓国・台湾・香港の法律と実践に学ぶ〜】というタイトルで院内集会を開催し、「東アジア性犯罪法比較白書」を発行いたしました。 下記リンクから院内集会の詳細と白書の概要をご覧いただけます。 一般販売もしておりますので、お手にとってご覧ください。 ▽院内集会の詳細はこちら http://spring-voice.org/news/250828report/ ▽白書の概要はこちら http://spring-voice.org/news/250827release/ 一般社団法人Spring 〜性被害当事者が生きやすい社会へ〜 【HP】http://spring-voice.org 【旧Blog】http://ameblo.jp/spring-voice-org/ ＊ フォロー＆いいね！をして、Springを応援してください♪ 【FB】https://www.facebook.com/Spring20170707/ 【X（旧Twitter）】https://x.com/harukoi2020 https://x.com/spring_onevoice 【Instagram】https://www.instagram.com/spring_onevoice/ 【YouTube】https://onl.la/u4fVpwZ ＊ あなたのご支援が私たちの励みになります 【メルマガ登録】https://x.gd/ls4Rp（無料/月2回配信） 【ご支援・ご寄付】https://x.gd/AEoNH 東アジア性犯罪法比較白書 — 韓国・台湾・香港・日本の制度の課題とこれからの展望 ¥600 （税込・送料無料） 頁数：106ページ 発行：一般社団法人Spring

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• All the Reasons Why Feminists Cannot Welcome Prime Minister Takaichi ◆ Chizuko Ueno　“ and us”

  

  2026.01.16 Fri

  All the Reasons Why Feminists Cannot Welcome Prime Minister Takaichi Chizuko Ueno (Professor Emeritus, University of Tokyo) (Reprinted with the kind permission of Iwanami Shoten from the January 2026 issue of Sekai. Some revisions have been made.) Public Reactions to the X Post On October 5, 2025, I posted the following on X (formerly Twitter): "Hearing that Japan might get its first female prime minister doesn't make me happy. Japan's ranking in the World Economic Forum's Gender Gap Index will likely improve next year. But that does not mean politics will suddenly work in women’s favor." (1) The post went viral, drawing a flood of both support and criticism. Critical posts included comments like, "As a feminist, you should be happy that a woman is breaking the glass ceiling to become Japan's first female prime minister in constitutional history." Do feminists have to welcome a female prime minister? For those who see women reaching positions of power as a feminist goal, perhaps. In an interview, I responded: "That sounds like something said from the sidelines to caricature feminism. But it grossly oversimplifies feminism." (2) Just as women are not a monolith, female politicians are not uniform. When asked in an Asahi Shimbun interview, "Does it matter who the woman is?" I replied firmly: " The era when “the first woman in X” makes headlines is long over. We are no longer in an era where any woman will do." (3) Several female political leaders have already emerged in Asia. President Corazon Aquino of the Philippines and Prime Minister Indira Gandhi of India, for example, were both wives or daughters of national heroes or independence movement figures, essentially inheriting their positions. South Korea saw its first female president, Park Geun-hye, but she is the daughter of Park Chung-hee, who led a military dictatorship. Feminists in South Korea did not welcome this female president. Some emphasize that unlike hereditary politicians, Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi is a prime minister of the common people, elected through the ballot box, not by birthright. However, to my knowledge, not a single British feminist welcomed Margaret Thatcher becoming Britain's first female prime minister when she rose from working-class origins. When Hillary Clinton fought the presidential election in America, British feminists responded coolly. They harbored no illusions about women rising to the top. Thatcher was the driving force behind the conservative revolution of welfare cuts, and Ronald Reagan in America followed her lead. Twenty years later, the Koizumi administration pushed structural reforms in Japan. No, even before that, in the 1980s, the neoliberal conservative revolution modeled on the Thatcher-Reagan revolution had already begun under the Nakasone administration. Beginning with the privatization of the Japanese National Railways and culminating in the privatization of the postal service, the conservative revolution was completed. During this period, a paradoxical situation emerged: conservatives championed “reform,” while progressives were forced to defend “preservation.” Japan has had several female politicians seen as "the woman closest to the prime minister," such as Makiko Tanaka, Tomomi Inada, and Yoko Kamikawa. So, should feminists have welcomed any of them? Japan already has a female leader, Governor Yuriko Koike, in Tokyo, a capital with a population and budget comparable to a European nation. The last gubernatorial election became a "woman versus woman" battle between Koike and Renho, but it wasn't a case of "either one winning was fine." At the prefectural level, since the 2000s, female governors have been elected in eight prefectures besides Tokyo: Osaka, Hokkaido, Kumamoto, Yamagata, Shiga, Chiba, and Hiroshima. Among them are governors popular with women and those who are not. Female heads of administration are no longer rare. Female legislators are increasing in both the national Diet and local assemblies, and these female legislators are clearly diverse. There are many reasons why feminists cannot support Prime Minister Takaichi. From an era when "gender doesn't win votes" was the prevailing view, to the 2021 House of Representatives election when "optional separate surnames for married couples" became a national election policy issue, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party opposed it. Some may recall the peculiar scene where, when asked by the media if all opposition party leaders supported separate surnames, they raised their hands in agreement. Yet, the only one who did not raise his hand was then-Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, leader of the ruling LDP. Prior to that, since the Legislative Council recommended separate surnames in 1996, it has been the LDP that has consistently ignored this recommendation. Even during the LDP leadership election, Ms. Takaichi insisted on legislating the use of common names and did not support separate surnames. The UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women has already recommended separate surnames to the Japanese government four times. Under a Takaichi administration, the issue of separate surnames—a symbolic battleground for gender equality—would clearly recede further. Moreover, Ms. Takaichi, the protégé of Shinzo Abe—a leading figure in the gender backlash of the 2000s—and his designated successor, is widely known from her past statements and policies to be a conservative who, far from advancing gender equality, could reverse its progress.She relies heavily on lawmakers with slush funds, surrounds herself with Japan Conference-aligned politicians as close aides, pushes xenophobic immigration policies, and immediately increases military spending... Where exactly is there a reason for feminists to agree with this policy? Research Analysis: Can Women Change Politics? With female politicians already emerging in various parts of the world, sufficient verifiable data has accumulated to address the question: "Does politics change when more women enter?"According to the "Survey Report on the Social Impact of Increasing 'Female Politicians' and 'Female Candidates'" (4) by the Chiki Lab Social Research Support Organization, led by Chiki Ogami, and the Public Resource Foundation, a study covering 22 advanced democratic nations over 30 years from 1980 to 2011 revealed the following: The introduction of parliamentary quotas tends to increase "childcare-related expenditures that promote mothers' employment" and decrease "family allowance expenditures that restrict mothers' employment." Furthermore, in the United States, where abortion regulations vary by state, reaching a critical mass of women in state legislatures was found to "influence state policies regarding abortion restrictions." An interesting finding is this: While an increase in female legislators in the legislature tends to reduce defense spending and conflict actions, an increase in female politicians at the top of the executive branch or as cabinet ministers tends to increase defense spending and conflict action expenditures. The research report explains this trend with the interpretation that "women must overcome the stereotype that they are 'weak' in foreign policy."This rule of thumb immediately applies to Ms. Takaichi, who announced an accelerated increase in defense spending to 2% of GDP shortly after taking office. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, whom Ms. Takaichi admires, also pursued a policy of strong-arm tactics, dispatching British naval vessels to the Falkland Islands, a small island in the Southern Hemisphere.Incidentally, the LDP government has successively appointed female politicians to key defense posts: Yuriko Koike as Defense Minister, followed by Tomomi Inada in the same role. Koike advocated for Japan's acceptance of nuclear armament, while Inada chaired the "Women's Defense Association" within the LDP. Takaichi provoked China by discussing a "Taiwan contingency." To avoid being labeled "soft" simply because they are women, they act more masculine than men... In sociological identity theory, this phenomenon is termed “over-identification”. It refers to the tendency of minorities, when trying to gain acceptance within a majority group, to behave more like the majority than the majority itself. This empirical pattern closely matches the behavior of the LDP’s female politicians. Consider Tamayo Marukawa, who once served as Minister for Gender Equality. When the Democratic Party government decided in 2010 to provide a flat 13,000-yen child allowance without income restrictions, she heckled, "You fools. I'll never forget the idiots who made this stupid choice." Similarly, in 2014, Sugita Mio declared, "Gender equality is an immoral delusion that can never be achieved." By having women voice opinions male politicians might think but dare not say, one senses the ruling party's cunning strategy to create a "women vs. women" conflict dynamic. The conservative commentariat reserves designated seats for female conservative commentators. Occupy that seat, and you'll receive applause and cheers from conservative men. It's hardly surprising that some women, driven by a desire for recognition, aspire to claim that seat. Yet observing them, one cannot help but feel pity. Because the inevitable outcome is that they'll be made to step on landmines, left to burn in the flames, and then casually abandoned and discarded. But that's not all. The LDP's choice of a female president likely stems from the ruling party becoming a minority government. Crisis forces unprecedented choices. It's a familiar sight: a declining organization letting a woman close the curtain. A female president might mark the beginning of the end for the LDP. And when it truly ends, they'll likely blame it on women again. According to the earlier survey report, regardless of gender, politicians who prioritize their party and are conservative are conservative regardless of gender. If that's the case, it makes perfect sense that female Republican lawmakers in the US oppose abortion, just as female LDP lawmakers in Japan oppose separate surnames for married couples. Here too, it becomes clear that judgments should be based on whether policies are friendly to women, not on the gender of the politician. Does Gender Matter? The FIFTYS PROJECT, an organization founded by women in their 20s like Momoko Nojo and Kazuko Fukuda, is campaigning to send an equal number of male and female local assembly members in their 20s and 30s to local councils. In the 2023 unified local elections, they supported 29 candidates nationwide, securing the election of 24 of them.For the upcoming 2027 unified local elections, they aim to support 100 candidates nationwide. To achieve this, they launched a crowdfunding campaign for the "Our Baton Fund" (5), which provides candidates with the required 300,000 yen deposit needed to run for office, free of charge. The system works such that the 300,000 yen is returned if the candidate wins; if they lose, they don't have to repay it. But here too, the question arises: Is any woman acceptable? Candidates supported by the Baton Fund must meet the following four conditions: ⑴ Support and promote the realization of optional separate surnames for married couples and marriage equality (same-sex marriage). (2) Support and promote the spread of comprehensive sexuality education and improved access to emergency contraception. (3) Oppose discrimination against transgender individuals. (4) Support affirmative action measures, such as quotas, to increase the number of female legislators. For now, these four conditions can be considered a concise yet essential benchmark for determining whether a politician is supportive of or hostile to gender equality. Judged by this standard, there is absolutely no reason to support Ms. Takaichi. Similarly, there is no reason to support candidates belonging to parties like the Japan Innovation Party, the Japan Innovation Party for Democracy, or the Democratic Party for the People, which aim to legislate the "use of former surname after marriage" that would roll back the right to separate surnames. Are Minorities Monolithic? An expert commentary was attached to my interview in the Asahi Shimbun. While the female commentator offered generally positive remarks, male commentator Chigaya Kinoshita submitted a critical comment directed at me. I quote: "Has the era of 'the first female [something]' making news truly ended?" Are women who welcome breaking through the 'glass ceiling' now 'outdated'? Ueno's declaration of an 'era of selection' – that 'it's no longer a time where any woman will do' – makes me worry it could create divisions among women who might be 'selected by liberal academics'." The selection of women has already happened. If the "Our Baton Fund" does not engage in candidate selection, I see no reason to support it. Isn’t the desire for women to be monolithic a form of arrogant and irresponsible romanticism on the part of men? Women have never been monolithic. Just as not all women are feminists. And just as men are not monolithic. Just as Prime Minister Takaichi wasn't chosen "because she's a woman," past male prime ministers weren't chosen "because they're men." And the conservative male voters who strongly support Ms. Takaichi aren't supporting her "because she's a woman." Another male commentator, Yohei Tsuneomi, remarked: "Even if there is a sense that Sanae Takaichi isn't quite right, the fact that a woman has become a national leader is a significant step forward. And perhaps the 'not quite right' feeling about Takaichi could serve as a springboard for a female leader who garners broader support. Should we interpret summarizing this with the emotional phrase 'not happy' as the weighty words of a sociologist who has led feminism and gender studies over many years, or as ego born of arrogance from one's position?" The title states, "Low-level criticism strengthens Takaichi and her supporters." The expression "not happy" is indeed an emotional statement. Precisely because of this, I presented my reasoning in the pages of this magazine, which granted me space. I presented the same reasoning in the Asahi Shimbun, but Mr. Tsuneyama appears to have overlooked it Among female experts, some have expressed understanding and sympathy for how the daughter of a salaryman family in Nara overcame gender discrimination through effort to reach her current position. But isn't the model of female leadership presented by Ms. Takaichi a troubling one? It suggests that women can only become leaders by infiltrating the vested interests, advocating for them to an excessive degree, and placing themselves under their protection. The disappointment women feel about the Takaichi administration – often called a copy of the Abe administration and a puppet of Mr. Taro Aso – is precisely this: must women really do this to advance? Blatant Subservient Diplomacy The same behavior repeated itself in the meeting with President Trump shortly after taking office. Whether she was jumping around excitedly on a U.S. warship or had President Trump put his arm around her waist is trivial. Far more significant is witnessing the ultimate subservient diplomacy: Japan's newly inaugurated prime minister boarding a U.S. military aircraft with the president, flying over the capital toward a U.S. base, and delivering a speech before American soldiers... It's incomprehensible why true conservatives aren't outraged. When the U.S. military aircraft carrying the Japanese Prime Minister and the U.S. President flew over the capital, what happened to the capital's air supremacy? Moreover, while foreign heads of state are typically greeted by their own nation's military, the Japanese Prime Minister headed to a foreign base within Japan—specifically a U.S. military base placed under extraterritoriality due to the unequal Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA). Demanding that this prime minister review the Japan–U.S. SOFA or address sexual violence by U.S. soldiers would be futile. This female prime minister emphasized her connection to Mr. Abe to forge an impromptu "friendship" with President Trump, signaling deference to America. It resembled tributary diplomacy, as if her status were only confirmed through American approval. She then readily promised massive investments in the US and increased defense spending. Even so, is there any reason to support this prime minister simply because she is a woman? Gender Gap Index and the Imperial System My post on X stating, "Next year, Japan's ranking in the World Economic Forum's Gender Gap Index will likely improve," drew criticism that it "amounted to admitting the Gender Gap Index is unreliable." The Gender Gap Index is composed of multiple indicators across four fields: politics, economics, education, and health. Some of these indicators are unreliable. We are not swallowing the index whole. We relativize the Gender Gap Index, using what is usable, but acknowledging that it cannot measure everything. Japan has another institution: the Emperor system. While not a power structure, it symbolizes authority—or rather, it embodies patriarchy. If feminism must welcome women at the top, does that mean feminists should rejoice if a female emperor ascends? Would the Gender Gap Index rise if a female emperor were born? In its 2024 recommendations, the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) identified Japan's male-line succession rule in the Imperial House Law as discriminatory against women, alongside the lack of optional separate surnames for married couples, and called for its revision. The Japanese government, reacting against this, protested that the Imperial system concerns Japan's "national polity" and decided to suspend Japan's contributions to CEDAW. (6) It is only natural that international treaties take precedence over domestic law. If Japan has no intention of complying, it should simply refrain from signing such treaties. Moreover, the Imperial House Law should also be deemed to violate Japan's Constitution, which enshrines gender equality. One cannot help but feel sympathy for female members of the Imperial Family, suffering from conditions like "adjustment disorder" or aphonia. One can also understand the circumstances that led the eldest daughter of the Crown Prince to feel she had no choice but to leave Japan, almost as if fleeing into exile. Furthermore, the former Emperor and his wife possess sincere and warm personalities, embodying a spirit of atonement through their visits to war sites, and that their son and his wife have inherited this intention. However, regardless of one's character or gender, the imperial system remains inherently oppressive toward women. A female emperor would also face pressure to bear children. I wish to liberate the imperial family from this human rights-abusing system. A woman at the top. If the system itself is oppressive, it's only natural that we can't rejoice at all, whether a woman or a man stands at that top. The Future of "Redistributive Politics" The conclusion reached by political scientists who observed the voting behavior of female voters is that women's suffrage did not change postwar politics for a long time. On the contrary, it supported the long-standing conservative one-party rule after the war. It wasn't until the 1989 "Madonna Election," described by Social Democratic Party leader Doi Takako as "the day the mountain moved," that a shift in the female vote occurred. From this period onward, the female vote began to separate from the family vote, becoming an individual vote and a fluid vote whose direction became unpredictable. The so-called "Madonna Election" of '89 was described as "women fighting." Around this time, the "Doichildren," "Ozawacildren," and "Koizumichildren" began to emerge. In recent elections, the number of female candidates has increased, but this trend seems to emphasize "fighting as women" rather than "women fighting." The rise of the Sanseito party, which prompted the LDP's shift to the right, is an example of this. In fact, the Sanseito Party's support rate is higher among men than women. Similarly, the high approval ratings for the Takaichi administration are also slightly higher among men than women. If that's the case, why were women mobilized for a "Sanseito-like" movement advocating "Japanese First"? Many experts believe we must confront this question. Underlying the postwar trends among female voters is a tenacious form of life-centered conservatism. The welfare state demanded by this conservatism invariably carries xenophobia on its flip side. It entails managing the boundary between citizens eligible for welfare benefits and those who are not. Even high-welfare states like Sweden, which has euthanized disabled people, are no exception. In Japan, a nation increasingly in dire straits, the "politics of redistribution"—the struggle over how to allocate limited resources among whom—will only grow harsher. After foreigners, the elderly will be targeted next—followed by the disabled and the poor. No, the exclusion and attacks have already begun. Let us keep a watchful eye on the near future of this country led by its female prime minister. (1) https://x.com/ueno_wan/status/1974822690893742402 (2) Asahi Shimbun Digital, November 2, 2025: "Chizuko Ueno Explains Why She Wrote She Wasn't Happy About the 'First Female Prime Minister'" https://digital.asahi.com/articles/ASTB02PXCTB0UPQJ00HM.html (3) Ibid. (4) https://www.sra-chiki-lab.com/reaserch-result/67/ (5) https://www.batonkikin.com (6) It later emerged that Japan's UN contributions to CEDAW had been in arrears even before this. This led to the absurd situation of notifying that they "would not pay" something they had never paid in the first place. Chizuko Ueno Professor Emeritus, University of Tokyo; Chairperson, Certified NPO Women's Action Network (WAN). Author of works including Patriarchy and Capitalism, Nationalism and Gender, The Single Person's Later Years, and The Philosophy of Anti-Anti-Aging. WAN Editorial Note: As part of a special feature titled “ and us,” WAN has decided to publish a series of essays that examine the rise of Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi from multiple perspectives. Related essays will be published on an ongoing basis. ◇◆◇◆◇◆◇◆◇◆◇◆◇◆◇◆◇◆◇◆◇◆◇◆◇◆◇◆◇◆◇◆◇◆◇◆◇◆◇◆◇◆◇◆◇◆◇◆◇◆◇ Text Translated by Chizuko Hanaoka Original article: フェミニストが高市首相を歓迎できないこれだけの理由 　上野千鶴子　（＜高市的なるもの＞とわたしたち　６）

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  カテゴリー：私たちはジェンダー平等政策を求めます / シリーズ / a-English / <高市的なるもの＞とわたしたち

• アソ―・コーズィ－（陽の当たらなかった女性作曲家V-4) 　石本裕子

  2026.01.15 Thu

  　今月の陽の当たらなかった女性作曲家たちは、初のイラン人、アソー・コーズィー（Aso Kohzadi)をお送りします。1982年テヘラン生まれです。 　両親ともに医療に携わる環境下で、先ず8歳で子どもの音楽専門のクラスに通いました。楽器専攻のほか、作曲や理論も学びました。先生の勧めでバイオリンの専攻に決め、傍ら作曲や理論も学びました。余暇には民族楽器のシタールやセタール、またフルートも勉強しました。 　学内オーケストラは１０歳頃からメンバーになり、初舞台はBahman文化センターでした。オーケストラでは周りに他の生徒も一緒に座り演奏をしますので、何のプレッシャーも感じることはなかったです。でも１３歳で受けたFajr 音楽祭のコンクールでは、初めて一人で舞台に立つ経験をして、たいそう緊張をしました。ちなみにコンクールは一位を取りました。 　高校時代は数学を専攻し、その後コンピューターサイエンス専攻の大学に合格しました。でも音楽へのあくなき興味が勝り、せっかくでしたが退学して、Sooreh 大学の音楽専攻に入学し直しました。修士課程はテヘラン芸術大学で取得しました。この間、19歳から29歳まで音楽教室に勤め、生徒指導もしていました。 　その後、電子音楽の作曲を学ぶ必要性を感じ、29歳の2011年にオランダへ渡りました。ハーグにある王立音楽院で電子音楽(音響学）で修士号を取り、スペインでも１年は電子音楽の勉強に励み、2014年にイランへ帰国しました。 　　　　　　　　音楽家の仲間と　イラン人には一度国を出ると、国には戻らずに海外での生活を続ける人も多いですが、彼女は当たり前に帰国を希望しました。故郷への深い愛で、故郷で音楽を続けていきたい強い気持ちが絶えずあったそうです。 帰国以来、舞台での演奏と並行してストリートミュージシャンとして街頭での演奏活動も活発です、人々の反応を直に感じることが楽しいそうです。 　ペルシャ語で書かれたインタビュー記事の始まりは、Fajr インターナショナルフィルムフェスティバルで彼女の名前を何度も耳にし、実に１１の映画音楽の担当として舞台に出てきたことで、多くの聴衆を驚かせたと記述があります。　インタビューのQ&Aから： 質問>　ストリートで弾くことになったきっかけは？ 回答>　テヘラン市内の大交差点の地下道でした。たまたますれ違った子どもたちが、「こっちに来てバイオリンを弾いてよ」と言うので、おそらく、すぐに警官が飛んで来るだろうとは思いつつ、「いいよ、じゃここで」とバッハを弾き始めると、想像通り１０分もしないで止められてしまいました。でも、たくさんの人が足を留めて聞いてくれたのです。こんなに多くの人々が忙しく行き交う地下道で、こんな反応があるのかと信じられない思いでした。たった１０分とはいえ、この経験は深く心に刻まれました。それ以来、テヘラン市内、他の町、チャンスがあれば、どこでもストリートプレイを続けています。経験が浅い頃は余計な緊張もしましたが、次第に自分らしい演奏ができるようになりました。 質問> 女性のストリートプレイにどんな反応がありますか？　回答> 人によって様々です。イラン女性は、法律によりヒジャブ着用が義務付けられていますから、女性がヒジャブ姿で表現活動をすることに拒否反応を示す人も一定数います。ただ、大方は好意的な反応をくださいます。とりわけ若い世代の女性たちの反応はとても好意的で、視線の行き交いから、応援してくれていることを感じます。ありがたく、同時に勇気をもらっています。 　2019年には二人の若手ミュージシャンのインスタグラムが突然閉鎖に追い込まれました。10万人以上のフォロワーのいるアカウントでしたが、イラン・サイバー警察/FATA により犯罪的なコンテンツが含まれているとされました。女性のアカウントは復活し、男性のアカウントはそれっきり閉鎖しています。 　イランでは1978〜1979年にイラン革命が起こりました。当時の国王（パフラヴィー朝のシャー）は西側寄りで、国民は制約の少ない生活を送っていました。女性の服装は自由で華やかでしたが、一方で独裁的な政治に強い反発が起こり、宗教指導者ホメイニーを中心に国民の大規模なデモが広がり、79年には国王が国外に逃れ、それ以降イスラム教の教えを基盤としたイラン・イスラム共和国が誕生しました。　　　　　　　　テヘランの風景 　イランは現在も女性の服装に制限をかけていて、ヒジャブを着用しなくてはなりませんが、年々、抑圧からの解放運動が広がっており、それを取り締まる政府と反発する世論の間で時には激しい弾圧運動が続いています。逮捕された女性が獄中死に追い込まれたり、警察に性的被害に遭っています。以下のBBCや朝日の記事から情報を得ました。 イラン女性のヒジャブ着用などを取り締まる新法、施行を一時停止 - BBCニュース 男女平等度、世界143位でも戦うイラン女性 政府が恐れる展開とは：朝日新聞 【女性たちの戦い】イランの男尊女卑【ヒジャブのその後】 - 政治と経済の部屋 マフサ・アミニの死 - Wikipedia 　　　　　2024年発売のCDジャケット　アソ―・コーズィーの作曲活動は、Protiva, Girih, Engareh, All the mountains give, Metronome 等、多数の作品がCD発売されています。Protiva に入っているピアノ作品は彼女のホームページからダウンロードが可能です。 　本日の作品演奏は、2019年作のProtiva Gardenをお聞きいただきます。 資料資料 Aso Kohzadi ホームページ Aso Kohzadi وﺳآزادیﮭک - Composer and Violinist (Official Website) FaceBookで見つけた、彼女が音楽担当をしたミュージックビデオ「Difiant Women」 https://www.facebook.com/share/r/1CBT4FxuPz/ ペルシャ語によるインタビュー記事 وﺳآزادی،ﮭکدهﻧوازﻧیﻧﺎﺑﺎﯾﺧﮫکﮫﻣھرازدهتﻔگﺷردک イラン女性作曲協会〜IFCA. 2017年にアメリカで設立されました。 Facebook 主に海外を拠点に活動しているイラン出身音楽家が掲載されています。 　このエッセイでは、ブダペストのフェミニズム読書会/映画会でお会いするイラン人女性、Talieh Ghorashi がペルシャ語検索で直接調べて下さいました。英語検索には限界がありましたので、大変助かりました。広い世界で自由に生きてほしいという両親の希望の下、ブダペストの名門大学で修士号取得後、そのまま仕事に就きイタリア人夫に出会い、ブダペストで暮らしています。 Special Thanks to Talieh Ghorashi for finding various information in Persian. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VNw3HzfC2TE

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  カテゴリー：陽の当たらなかった女性作曲家たち / 連続エッセイ

• 名古屋大学大学院環境学研究科社会学講座 女性限定教員公募でています。

  

  2026.01.15 Thu

  名古屋大学大学院環境学研究科社会学講座准教授または講師の教員公募（女性限定） ◇募集人員：准教授又は講師（女性限定） 1名 ◇所属：大学院環境学研究科社会環境学専攻社会学講座 ◇研究分野：地域社会や環境に関わる社会学 ◇着任時期：2026年10月1日以降（応談） ◇勤務形態：常勤（任期なし） ◇応募期限：2026年3月31日（必着） 詳しくは以下のサイトからご確認ください。 https://jrecin.jst.go.jp/seek/SeekJorDetail?id=D126010454

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  カテゴリー：求人